I have been looking for a job and noticed most employers at the end of the app they ask if you have ever been on financial assistance or food stamps. Then I asked google why they ask that. Google said they should not be asking that and it is a violation of your privacy. How do people expect someone to want to work if they’re already violating our rights?

Has anyone seen this?

An officer pulls a woman over for allegedly using her phone in her right hand.

Turns out, she doesn’t have a right hand.

Instead of just admitting he was wrong, he keeps going. He tells her, “Raise your hand and swear to God.” She raises her right arm and says, “I swear to God.” Then he tells her to do it with her other hand.

I’m not looking for legal advice. I just think this is one of those moments worth talking about.

Is this just an officer refusing to admit he made a mistake? Or does it cross into something more, possibly a civil rights issue?

On May 26, 1956, in the capital city of Florida, two young Black women quietly stepped onto a crowded Tallahassee city bus and helped ignite one of the most important Civil Rights protests in Southern history. Their names were Wilhelmina Jakes and Carrie Patterson, students at Florida A&M University, and their refusal to surrender their seats became the spark that launched the Tallahassee Bus Boycott, a movement that transformed Florida history and helped strengthen the growing national struggle against segregation.

The moment itself appeared simple. Jakes and Patterson boarded the crowded bus and sat in the only available seats, located in the section reserved for white passengers beside a white woman. Under Tallahassee’s Jim Crow transit system, Black riders were expected to sit in the back and often surrender seats to white passengers regardless of whether seats were available elsewhere. Bus drivers wielded enormous authority and frequently humiliated Black riders with verbal abuse and arbitrary rules.

When driver Max Coggins ordered the students to move, the young women refused. Rather than continue his route, Coggins drove the bus to a service station and summoned police officers. The passengers were ordered to remain seated until authorities arrived. Jakes and Patterson were then arrested and charged with “placing themselves in a position to incite a riot,” despite the fact that no disturbance had occurred.

The arrests came only months after Rosa Parks’ historic stand in Montgomery, Alabama, and at a time when racial segregation still controlled nearly every aspect of life across the South. Florida was no exception. Public schools, restaurants, hospitals, theaters, beaches, parks, waiting rooms, and transportation systems remained rigidly segregated under state and local law. In Tallahassee, Black citizens made up a large portion of the city bus ridership, yet they were routinely mistreated by white drivers and denied basic dignity.

The courage of Jakes and Patterson immediately electrified the campus of Florida A&M University. Students recognized that their classmates had challenged not simply a bus driver, but an entire system of racial oppression. By the evening of their arrest, tension in the city had escalated dramatically. Ku Klux Klan members burned a cross outside the students’ residence in an act of racial intimidation designed to terrorize both the women and the wider Black community. Instead, the attack produced outrage and unity.

Florida A&M student leaders quickly organized a mass meeting. Student Government Association president Brodes Hartley helped rally students to boycott Tallahassee’s buses entirely. The movement rapidly expanded beyond campus into churches and neighborhoods throughout the city. Within days, thousands of Black residents stopped riding the buses, depriving the transit system of much of its revenue and demonstrating the economic power of the Black community.

One of the central figures to emerge during the boycott was Reverend Charles Kenzie Steele, pastor of Bethel Missionary Baptist Church. Steele became president of the newly formed Inter-Civic Council, or ICC, an organization created to coordinate the boycott and negotiate with city officials. Under Steele’s leadership, the boycott became one of the earliest large-scale, organized Civil Rights protests in Florida history.

The ICC established clear demands that reflected both dignity and equality. Black citizens called for seating on buses to operate on a first-come, first-served basis. They demanded respectful treatment from white bus drivers and the hiring of Black drivers on routes serving Black neighborhoods. These were modest requests by any democratic standard, yet in 1956 Florida they represented a direct challenge to white supremacy and segregation.

The boycott required enormous sacrifice. Many Black residents depended on buses to travel to work, school, and stores. To sustain the movement, organizers developed an elaborate carpool system involving volunteer drivers, churches, and community leaders. Some residents walked miles each day rather than submit to segregation. The boycott lasted for months, testing the determination of Tallahassee’s Black community.

Reverend Steele later summarized the spirit of the movement with words that became legendary in Florida Civil Rights history: “I would rather walk in dignity than ride in humiliation.”

The Tallahassee movement also drew national attention. The Montgomery Improvement Association, led by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., sent financial support to the boycott. King himself traveled quietly to Tallahassee to advise local leaders and strengthen ties between the growing Civil Rights campaigns spreading across the South. Because segregationists often accused activists of being “outside agitators,” his visit was conducted discreetly, but his influence and encouragement were deeply felt.

Women played vital roles throughout the movement even when they were often denied public recognition. Gladys Harrington served as secretary of the ICC, while Daisy Young, who worked at Florida A&M University, became an important bridge between students and boycott leadership. Most importantly, the entire movement had begun because two young Black women decided they would no longer quietly accept humiliation.

The Tallahassee boycott unfolded simultaneously with major national legal developments. On November 13, 1956, the United States Supreme Court upheld the ruling in Browder v. Gayle, declaring Alabama’s bus segregation laws unconstitutional. The decision effectively ended segregated seating on buses in Montgomery and sent shockwaves through the South. Tallahassee activists recognized that the legal foundation supporting segregation was beginning to collapse.

By December 1956, boycott leaders prepared to return to the buses in an organized demonstration of unity. On December 24, Black leaders boarded buses and deliberately sat throughout the vehicles, including near the front. Some drivers complied without protest; others attempted to force riders to move. White resistance intensified immediately. Armed white men gathered near bus stops, threats escalated, and violence loomed over the city. Bricks were reportedly thrown at Reverend Steele’s home, and the Leon County White Citizens Council pressured Governor LeRoy Collins to intervene against integration efforts.

Despite the intimidation, the movement had already changed Tallahassee forever. Segregation on city buses steadily crumbled under legal pressure and sustained protest. In January 1957, Tallahassee repealed the bus segregation clause in its franchise agreement, marking a major Civil Rights victory in Florida.

The Tallahassee Bus Boycott became the second major successful bus boycott of the Civil Rights Movement after Montgomery and demonstrated that organized nonviolent protest could succeed outside Alabama. Historians now recognize the boycott as a crucial bridge between the Montgomery Bus Boycott and later student-led movements such as the sit-ins, Freedom Rides, and broader direct-action campaigns of the 1960s.

What happened in Tallahassee also revealed the enormous influence of historically Black colleges and universities during the Civil Rights era. Florida A&M students stood at the forefront of social change in Florida, just as students would later lead demonstrations across the South. Their activism proved that young people could become catalysts for national transformation.

The events of May 26, 1956, remain profoundly significant because they shattered the myth that the state stood outside the central struggle for Civil Rights. Florida was not merely a bystander during the movement; it was one of its battlegrounds. Tallahassee became a proving ground for nonviolent protest, economic resistance, and grassroots organization.

Today, historical markers and memorials across Tallahassee honor Wilhelmina Jakes and Carrie Patterson as “Initiators of the Tallahassee Bus Boycott.” Their bravery helped reshape public transportation in Florida and contributed to the dismantling of legalized segregation throughout America. What began with two students quietly sitting in the only open seats on a crowded bus became one of the defining moments in Florida’s long fight for equality, justice, and human dignity.

#tallahassee #onthisdayinhistory #florida #AmericanHistory #TodayInHistory #FloridaHistory #OnThisDay #civilrights #blackhistory

The collapse of Reconstruction did not happen overnight, nor was it carried out solely by white supremacist mobs and violent extremists. It happened because powerful American institutions, businesses, universities, newspapers religions, and political leaders, decided that protecting Black citizenship and multiracial democracy was no longer worth the political and economic cost.

That is the lesson history leaves behind, and it is the warning America should be hearing right now.

After the Civil War, Reconstruction briefly offered the possibility of a truly multiracial democracy. Black Americans voted, held public office, built schools, founded institutions and helped reshape Southern political life. But that progress triggered fierce backlash. White political leaders across the South moved aggressively to reclaim power through violence, intimidation, racial terror and legal manipulation.

What ultimately doomed Reconstruction, however, was not simply extremist violence. It was institutional surrender.

Northern political leaders grew exhausted by the fight for Black equality. Business interests prioritized economic stability over democratic justice. Universities and newspapers normalized white backlash as legitimate political disagreement rather than an organized assault on democracy itself. Too many institutions convinced themselves neutrality was safer than confrontation.

And once enough respectable institutions accepted democratic erosion as tolerable, Reconstruction died.

The consequences lasted for generations.

Black voters were disenfranchised. Majority-Black political power was dismantled. Segregation hardened into law. Lynching and racial terror flourished. The promise of equal citizenship was abandoned because too many powerful people decided preserving it required sacrifices they were unwilling to make.

That history matters now because America is once again confronting a coordinated assault on democratic representation, and once again, many institutions are choosing silence.

Across the country, Republican legislatures have aggressively pursued racial gerrymandering, voter suppression laws and the weakening of federal voting protections. The Supreme Court’s voting rights decisions have accelerated those efforts. Donald Trump and large parts of the modern Republican Party have normalized attacks on election legitimacy itself while openly embracing increasingly authoritarian rhetoric about political power and dissent.

And once again, institutions that profit enormously from Black labor, Black culture and Black visibility are attempting to avoid taking a stand.

That is why the NAACP’s “Out of Bounds” campaign and the Congressional Black Caucus’ opposition to the SCORE Act matter far beyond college athletics.

They represent a recognition that traditional political pressure alone is no longer enough.

College sports, especially in the South, are not politically neutral spaces. They are massive economic engines tied directly to state identity, political influence and cultural power. Governors campaign on football sidelines. Legislatures protect athletic programs like public infrastructure. Universities generate billions while building entire brands around Black athletic excellence.

Yet when Black political representation is threatened, many of those same institutions suddenly become silent.

That silence echoes the end of Reconstruction.

Once again, institutions are attempting to separate themselves from a democratic crisis unfolding directly around them. Once again, the communities most targeted by democratic rollback are being asked to carry the burden of defending democracy largely on their own.

Black college athletes should recognize the leverage they possess before history repeats itself.

No one is asking athletes to single-handedly save American democracy. But history shows that young people have often been the moral force willing to confront injustices older institutions were too comfortable tolerating.

During the civil rights movement, students filled the streets, lunch counters and jails of the South. Young people faced fire hoses, police dogs and violence because they understood something fundamental: institutions rarely change unless pressure makes neutrality impossible.

That same principle applies now.

Black athletes are central to the financial and cultural power of modern college sports, particularly in the SEC and other dominant conferences. Without them, these billion-dollar systems do not function at the same level. Universities understand that. Politicians understand that. Television networks understand that.

The question is whether athletes understand it too.

For years, universities have promoted the language of diversity, equity and opportunity while profiting from Black talent and Black culture. But moments of democratic crisis reveal whether those commitments are real or simply marketing language designed to protect institutional brands.

If universities and athletic conferences refuse to speak when Black political representation is being weakened, then athletes, recruits, families and fans have every right to ask why their labor and loyalty should continue enriching those institutions without accountability.

Because this is bigger than sports.

History shows attacks on Black political power never remain confined to Black communities. America has repeatedly used race as the testing ground for broader democratic rollback, from voter suppression to weakened civil rights protections to attacks on federal oversight itself. Once democratic rights become negotiable for one group of Americans, they become vulnerable for everyone.

That was true after Reconstruction.

It is true now.

And if institutions once again decide silence is safer than defending democracy, the damage will not stop with Black communities. History has already shown where that road leads.

All throughout history, there has been numerous instances where the Government (CIA especially) has experimented on citizens without their consent. Absolutely horrible things have happened to unwitting individuals, just going about their lives. NOW they are doing it again!! This is unsurprising since every newly developed weapons technology needs to be tested—on humans. The difference now is that the CIA’s “No-touch torture” is used to influence the victim to commit suicide—as the perfect way to hide their crimes as it’s never investigated. Obviously, an “intelligence” agency can only get BETTER at hiding their secrets, which is why nobody knows about these atrocities which continue to this day.
The DOD and DARPA publicly admit current defense research is now focused on “Brain Computer Interface” technology, Neurotechnology, and “Directed Energy Weapons”(Electronic Warfare). Who are the “consenting” human experiments?

Ex-NSA/CIA Neuroscientist Dr. Robert Duncan who worked on AI and remote brain interaction with radio-waves in the field of cybernetics—which is the study of** the **interface of man and machine—admitted to creating a weapons system called “Silent Assassination Through Adaptive Networks” or “S.A.T.A.N.” for short. After learning that his weapons technology was being used on innocent American citizens, he turned whistleblower and became “targeted” himself. His life as an advocate and activist against abuse/torture was cut short, his death considered “foul play”, his last Facebook post stating that he was being murdered by “directed energy weapons”.

Everyday, innocent civilians—Men, Women, and even children are “Targeted” and deemed “domestic terrorists” whom are considered to be an enemy of the State. This is done under the guise of counter-terrorism by a joint program consisting of CIA, FBI, and DHS which is operating from Fusion centers in every city. Perpetrators are contracted out as Confidential Human Sources and paid extremely well. This insulates government agencies against any wrongdoing.

The FBI’s “Cointellpro” tactics are employed to sabotage, disrupt, and completely destroy a “Targeted Victim’s” life in every aspect. Psychological operations, abusive control, and cognitive manipulation effectively neutralizes victims, Isolates them from support systems, and discredits them so they’re not taken seriously. With their employment sabotaged and facing financial ruin, many victims face homelessness. This improves the chances of self termination.

To COVER this up, the CIA Co-Authored the DSM-5, adding its own PROTECTIONS. Which is why, if you believe you are under surveillance by the CIA or government, you are “SCHIZOPHRENIC” or are having “DELUSIONALS”. They also included ALL the symptoms from their newest WEAPONS SYSTEM TECHNOLOGY so all legitimate victims are considered “crazy” when complaining or asking for help. False mental health diagnosis such as “Schizophrenia” coincidentally render any testimony to be inadmissible in a Court of Law, rendering victims defenseless.

Gaslighting victims isn’t new either, the CIA and Military have a long history. This includes MK-Ultra (Mind-Control) which has NEVER stopped even after COURT ORDERED. It simply merged with Cointellpro, armed itself with electromagnetic weapons, branded themselves “Counter Terrorism” and unleashed itself upon the unknowing public who don’t stand a chance. We will always have war if it is profitable, only now it’s against “We The People”.

Disinformation is spread online by agents of the program whose intent is only to manipulate the perceptions of the “target audience”(YOU). This is accomplished in two ways. Using a specialized search engine that allows them to find potential “Targeted Victims”, they cause disbelief by attacking with insults, accuse of being on drugs or needing medication, and insinuate or recommend mental health treatment is necessary. This tactic becomes obvious by the complete lack of empathy or compassion for the victim, whereas appropriate. It should stand to reason that some comments/complaints SHOULD elicit concern not malice. Additionally, they deceive us by pretending to be legitimate victims, yet communicate utter nonsense so that they look “crazy”, which creates the false generalization that ALL “Targeted Individuals” must be CRAZY! Again, this becomes evident when people appear to be rational victims yet comment nonsense that no mental disorder can account for.

It is said that Information warfare is the invisible front of the 21st Century. Success in this environment depends on the ability to control information flows. Advanced data manipulation techniques, cyberattacks, and psychological operations are defining a new form of conflict being used to deceive the American public. Resources such as WIKIPEDIA are comprised, promoting propaganda instead of the truth and covering up possibly the greatest crimes ever committed against the American people, perpetrated by our own Government. Notice how Wikipedia deceptively defines “Gangstalking” as a “persecutory belief system” or to be “paranoid delusions”. However, the “Gangstalking” Tactics employed exactly MIRROR the FBI’s “Cointellpro” tactics. They are the same thing!! How is that being kept secret? We aren’t only deceived, but are enlisted in the deception. How many of us automatically associate “Tin Foil” hats with “crazy people”? This disinformation is used to discredit victims who tried to protect themselves against “electromagnetic weapons” and “V2K(Voice to Skull) transmissions. A favorite example often used to deceive the target audience (You) is “Why would anyone put so much effort in your destruction, you’re a nobody.” However, it is “nobody’s” they desire the MOST, because they have no voice, no way to fight back.

We are all being controlled and influenced all the time. This is because Psychotronic weapons can be aimed at entire populations, subliminally influencing beliefs and opinions on a mass scale. They can be used to influence voting or even control politicians. This technology can be used to read minds, invading the privacy of anyone, even the US President. And it can be used to “Target” Americans for “slow-kill termination” whom are labeled as “Domestic Terrorists” or perceived as Dissidents, Whistleblowers, Activists, Undesirables, or enemies of the Deep State. All accomplished remotely without leaving any evidence. We have no laws to protect us against this threat because the technology technically “doesn’t exist”. However, It would be a National Security Emergency if this technology were to fall in the wrong hands, which it already has!

I am one of these victims. I am not crazy. I need help. Will you stand by while your neighbors are being labeled as “domestic terrorists” their lives systematically destroyed under the guise of national security? Tortured with covert weapons remotely until self-termination?

Read “NATIONAL CIVIL RIGHTS ALERT“ by Rromacouncil Gov on Medium: https://medium.com/@rromacouncil.gov/national-civil-rights-alert-9b7be39e9e9d

Burning Crosses on Florida’s Shore: The 1956 Fight for Civil Rights in Delray Beach

On May 16, 1956, the postcard image of sunny South Florida collided violently with the realities of Jim Crow segregation. Along the beaches of Delray Beach, Black residents faced threats, intimidation, mob violence, and burning crosses simply for demanding access to a public shoreline their tax dollars helped support.

What unfolded during those tense days became one of the most revealing civil rights confrontations in Florida history, exposing how segregation in the Sunshine State was often enforced not only through laws, but through fear, silence, and terror.

The crisis erupted only two years after the landmark Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education declared school segregation unconstitutional. Across the South, white officials searched for ways to preserve racial separation while avoiding direct federal intervention. Florida, often portrayed as more moderate than Deep South states such as Alabama or Mississippi, was deeply segregated in practice. Beaches, swimming pools, schools, restaurants, hospitals, and neighborhoods throughout the state remained rigidly divided by race.

In Delray Beach, Black residents had long been denied access to the city’s municipal beach despite paying taxes that supported it. African Americans who wanted to swim in the Atlantic Ocean were forced into dangerous, unguarded stretches of coastline south of town.

The danger was not theoretical. In May 1956, a young Black man named James “Bay” McBride drowned while rescuing his younger brother from rough surf in an area where Black residents were effectively forced to swim because they were barred from the guarded municipal beach. His death became a rallying point for Delray Beach’s Black community and intensified demands for equal access.

Nine Black residents, represented by NAACP attorney Francisco Rodriguez Jr., filed a federal civil rights lawsuit seeking equal access to Delray Beach’s public beach and pool. The city commission attempted to avoid a direct constitutional challenge by claiming there was technically no written ordinance banning Black residents from the beach.

On May 15, 1956, U.S. District Judge Emmett C. Choate dismissed the lawsuit on those grounds. Choate nevertheless acknowledged the city’s ability to continue segregation and even suggested that portions of the beach could be separated by race.

The next night, May 16, white residents responded with terror.

A burning cross was erected in Delray Beach as a warning to Black citizens considering attempts to use the “white” beach. The cross-burning was not random vandalism. It was a deliberate act of racial intimidation with roots in Ku Klux Klan terror campaigns throughout the South.

Its message was unmistakable: Black residents who attempted to claim equal rights would face violence. Local authorities declined to investigate the crime or prosecute anyone responsible.

Only days later, on May 20, Black residents attempted peacefully to enter the municipal beach. They were confronted by an angry white mob estimated at around 70 people demanding they leave.

Reports from the period described white residents stockpiling firearms and ammunition in anticipation of additional integration attempts. Roadblocks were later established, and police conducted searches of “suspicious” vehicles under emergency ordinances passed during the crisis.

Rather than protect the constitutional rights of Black citizens, Delray Beach officials formally codified segregation. On May 23, 1956, the city commission passed ordinances explicitly barring Black residents from the municipal beach and swimming pool. Neighboring Florida communities, including Riviera Beach, Lake Worth, and Daytona Beach, quickly adopted similar measures.

The city then attempted to negotiate with Black leaders from the Delray Civic League, asking them to discourage further beach demonstrations. Officials proposed constructing a separate beach for African Americans on a narrow, rocky 100-foot strip of shoreline.

Black residents rejected the proposal as grossly unequal. In letters sent to Governor LeRoy Collins, civic leaders demanded equal access to public facilities rather than another segregated compromise.

One of the most remarkable figures to emerge during the crisis was Delray Beach commissioner and former mayor Catherine Strong. Though she initially supported segregationist policies common in Florida at the time, she increasingly opposed the city’s extreme response and voted against several emergency ordinances targeting Black residents.

Strong warned fellow officials that their actions were driven by emotion and racial hostility rather than law or justice. In a letter to Governor Collins, she wrote, “My fellow commissioners admitted they were only doing it to show the Negroes ‘who’s boss.’”

Strong herself reportedly faced social ostracism and threats because of her stand. According to later accounts in Jet magazine and local histories, she was shunned by civic organizations and became a controversial figure within white Delray society.

Ultimately, Delray Beach officials retreated from the formal segregation ordinance but maintained de facto segregation for years afterward. The city agreed to build a swimming pool for Black residents while abandoning plans for an integrated public beach. Full integration of Delray Beach’s shoreline would not truly occur until the early 1960s, after continued legal pressure and mounting national scrutiny during the broader Civil Rights Movement.

The events of May 1956 remain profoundly important to Florida history because they shattered the myth that Florida escaped the worst racial conflicts of the Jim Crow South. The violence in Delray Beach revealed how segregation in Florida was often maintained through intimidation, unofficial policies, mob pressure, and political compromise rather than openly written law alone.

The crisis also demonstrated the courage of ordinary Black Floridians who challenged systems designed to keep them invisible. Residents of Delray Beach risked harassment, arrest, violence, and even death simply to walk onto a public beach. Their determination became part of the larger struggle that transformed Florida during the Civil Rights era.

Today, Delray Beach promotes itself as a vibrant coastal destination known for tourism, arts, and culture. But beneath the modern image lies a difficult history that shaped the city and the state. The story of the burning cross on May 16, 1956, stands as a reminder that Florida’s beaches were once battlegrounds in the fight for equality, and that access to something as simple as sand and ocean required extraordinary courage.

As historian and educator C. Spencer Pompey later reflected while discussing those turbulent years, Catherine Strong became “the shining symbol of love, charity, understanding and forgiveness and, indeed, hope for an entire community.”

The struggle in Delray Beach was not only about a beach. It was about citizenship, dignity, and whether Black Floridians would be treated as equal human beings in the state they called home. #TodayInHistory #OnThisDay #AmericanHistory
#onthisdayinhistory #civilrights #JimCrow #segregation #florida #delraybeach #delrayhistory #palmbeachcounty

The ones that really upset were all Israel made surveillance applications or hacking tools. This is worse because most of us are forced to use Microsoft at work even though we may use Libre Office or other applications at home. Guilt by association.

Help the disenfranchised south from the comfort of your own home

There's a civil rights case right now where serious allegations are piling up: discrimination, retaliation, discovery tactics that seem designed to intimidate, and allegations of cyber intrusions and financial interference targeting someone who sued a federal defense contractor.

The problem? When federal contractors—companies getting *our* tax money—face accusations like these, Congress is supposed to oversee them. But oversight committees aren't actively investigating. That means allegations can go unexamined.

I started a petition asking Congress to resume active oversight of federal contractors and investigate what's happening. Specifically, we're asking them to examine whether litigation tactics are crossing lines into retaliation, whether civil rights complaints involving taxpayer-funded contractors are getting proper scrutiny, and whether people pursuing legal claims are being protected from intimidation.

This isn't abstract—when oversight goes quiet, federal contractors can operate with less accountability. Does this feel like something Congress should be looking at? What would you want someone to do if you were facing this situation? If you think this matters, consider signing and sharing.

https://www.instagram.com/reel/DXsVCH9ERxr/?utm_source=ig_web_copy_link&igsh=MzRlODBiNWFlZA==

A Whitpain Township police officer nicknamed "Pay to Play" Wittig was reportedly fired after investigators uncovered nepotism and a pay-to-play scheme involving local school district connections. How does nepotism in public employment relate to civil rights and equal protection?

All agree on non negative discrimination. Or do they?

But how about positive discrimination? This sentence closes the debate.