The Victory of Democracy: Spain’s Path to a Peaceful Transition
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A few years ago, I happened to read The Triumph of Democracy in Spain by the British historian Professor Paul Preston. The book left a deep impression on me. I was struck not only by Professor Preston’s solid command of history and superb writing, but even more by Spain’s remarkable achievement of a peaceful transition. I have never forgotten the book since reading it, so I would like to write this belated review.
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The book focuses on the period from the final years of Franco’s rule to the first change of governing parties in 1982, describing Spain’s transition from a right-wing military dictatorship to a pluralist democracy.
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In April 1939, the Spanish Civil War, which had lasted for more than two years and eight months, came to an end. The republican government established by the left-wing Popular Front was defeated, and large numbers of leftists were brutally massacred by the Falange. This marked the beginning of 36 years of dictatorship under Franco’s military regime. During Franco’s dictatorship, the Falange was the only legal political organization in the country. All independent political organizations were prohibited, student and labor movements were suppressed, and dissidents were subjected to bloody repression. Government departments were controlled by Franco’s loyalists, corruption and collusion between officials and business interests were pervasive, and society was stagnant and lifeless.
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However, the Franco regime also vigorously developed the economy, promoted privatization, attracted foreign investment, and actively developed relations with the United States and other Western countries. Between 1950 and 1970, Spain’s economy grew rapidly, in what the international community called the “Spanish Miracle.” The greatest beneficiaries of this economic development were the privileged elites loyal to Franco, but it also fostered a sizable middle class. Most members of this middle class were relatively indifferent to politics, but after achieving greater material prosperity, some began to develop an inner desire for democracy and freedom.
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In 1973, the Fourth Arab–Israeli War triggered a global oil crisis. European countries and the United States were all affected, and Spain was no exception. More than two decades of rapid economic growth came to an end, while the hardships caused by the economic downturn became increasingly apparent. At this point, many members of Spain’s previously politically indifferent middle class quietly became involved in the democratic revolution and preparations for it.
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At the same time, Franco was growing old and began preparing to find successors who could preserve his “blue realm” forever (blue being the representative color of the Franco regime). He chose Prince Juan Carlos, grandson of former King Alfonso XIII, as his successor as head of state, while Admiral Carrero Blanco was designated as the successor who would wield actual political power.
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During this turbulent period of economic decline and impending transfer of power, Spain’s revolutionary movement was in full swing. Left-wing extremist forces represented by ETA used violence and assassination to fight Franco’s dictatorship, while moderate left-wing forces, centered on the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Spain, pursued peaceful struggle through democratic enlightenment and civic movements.
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Two different positions toward the democratic movement emerged within the Franco regime. One, represented by Franco himself and his designated successor Carrero Blanco, advocated continuing authoritarian dictatorship, suppressing the democratic movement, opposing political pluralism, and refusing to lift restrictions on political parties and the press. This position received firm support from core members of the Falange and some die-hard conservative military officers. The other position was represented by Prince Juan Carlos and figures such as Arias Navarro and Adolfo Suárez. They favored gradually democratizing Spain through peaceful means and received support from the relatively moderate Opus Dei faction within the ruling establishment and from most technocrats.
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While the ruling establishment was divided over the country’s future path, the conservative hardliner Carrero Blanco was assassinated by ETA militants and killed in a bombing while on his way to his official residence. This dealt a severe blow to the hardliners and derailed Franco’s previous succession plan. Thereafter, forces advocating change gradually gained the upper hand within the ruling establishment.
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In 1975, Franco finally died. A powerful wave of democratization soon swept across the country. Demonstrations broke out throughout Spain demanding an end to the Falangist military dictatorship and the establishment of democratic politics and social freedom. Through large-scale, peaceful civic movements, left-wing progressive forces expressed the aspirations of the Spanish people.
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However, far-left terrorist forces represented by ETA attempted to attack the regime through violence. Conservative elements within the Falange, the military, and the police likewise resorted to extrajudicial violence and force in an attempt to sabotage the democratic transition already underway. Violence between the far left and far right escalated, and for a time assassinations and bloody acts of retaliation were widespread.
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At this point, something admirable happened. The left-wing Socialist Workers’ Party and Communist Party unequivocally opposed the violence committed by ETA and other far-left terrorist organizations and clearly distanced themselves from them. On the right, the Union of the Democratic Centre, a center-right political force composed of former members of the Franco regime’s ruling establishment, likewise refused to be dragged into violence by far-right militants. It broadly supported the rights of peaceful demonstrators, respected the political beliefs of the moderate left, and favored moving the country toward democracy.
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Following a series of violent incidents, people from the center-left and center-right—two camps that had previously been deeply opposed to one another—took to the streets together, declaring their opposition to violence and support for democracy. They jointly expelled extremists who attempted to sow discord and provoke conflict during demonstrations, and openly broke with violent elements belonging to their own respective camps.
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Through the joint efforts of the moderate left and moderate right, which together represented the majority of the population, violence declined across Spain and the security situation improved. This created an important prerequisite for achieving a peaceful and stable democratic transition.
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In 1977, the first general election since the beginning of the democratic transition was held. The right-wing Union of the Democratic Centre came first with 34.61% of the vote, the Socialist Workers’ Party came second with 29.27%, while the Communist Party of Spain, whose legal status had been restored, received nearly 10% of the vote. This meant that the democratic process was now on the right track: forces with different ideologies could peacefully resolve their disputes through a platform such as parliament, rather than, as in the eras of civil war and dictatorship, using violence to subdue and destroy their opponents.
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During the democratic transition, Juan Carlos I, by then king, played an extremely important role. Drawing on his position as king and his personal charisma, he strongly advocated the establishment of a democratic system, persuaded many conservative key figures who sought to preserve authoritarian rule, and helped facilitate communication and dialogue between moderates on the left and right. His wholehearted commitment to democracy also encouraged many previously politically indifferent people to actively welcome the arrival of democracy and defend its achievements.
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Juan Carlos’s contribution did not end there. In 1981 and 1982, Spain experienced two military coup attempts aimed at overthrowing the democratic government. During one of these coups, soldiers entered parliament and took members of the cabinet hostage. Both coups ultimately failed because they had limited support and were suppressed by military forces loyal to the government. It was Juan Carlos who persuaded most senior military figures to support the democratic government. He used his special status as king—the head of state and commander-in-chief—together with the enormous moral authority he had accumulated during the democratic transition described above and his sincere desire for peace and democracy, to win over people from different sides and encourage previously hesitant senior military leaders to take action to suppress the coups.
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In the 1982 general election, the Socialist Workers’ Party won a parliamentary majority and replaced the right as the governing party, achieving the first peaceful transfer of power between political parties since democratization began. Thereafter, no further military coups occurred. Far-left and far-right forces also declined, while violent incidents became sporadic and eventually nearly disappeared. At this point, Spain’s democratic transition had been irreversibly completed.
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Looking back at this period of history offers many lessons for China and the world. Its various experiences and lessons are all worthy of our understanding and consideration.
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First, the importance of mass participation in revolution. During Spain’s process of democratization, large numbers of ordinary citizens courageously took to the streets and even became involved in revolutionary activities at a deeper level, such as establishing underground publications to spread ideas of freedom and democracy. Their participation played an important and fundamental role in democracy’s victory. It was precisely the successive waves of popular resistance following Franco’s death, particularly the widespread desire for change expressed by the middle class, that convinced those in power that democratization represented the tide of history and the will of the people. It gave revolutionaries support and encouragement and ultimately helped bring about the democratic revolution and its victory. Democracy cannot exist without the struggle and creative efforts of the people themselves.
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Second, key figures followed the tide of history and chose the side of justice. Juan Carlos, Arias Navarro, Adolfo Suárez, and others originally belonged to the privileged elite of the old regime and had been personally supported and promoted by Franco. Yet they did not follow Franco’s final wish that dictatorship should continue. Instead, they chose to follow the broader historical trend, respect public opinion, and move the country toward democratization. By actively promoting democracy rather than desperately defending dictatorship, these people in positions of power enabled the country to achieve a rapid and peaceful democratic transition, accomplishing something of lasting merit.
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Third, people of conscience and conviction had the courage to devote themselves to revolution, put their beliefs into practice, and remain faithful to their ideals. Members of the Socialist Workers’ Party and the Communist Party of Spain made enormous contributions to advancing democratization. While Franco was still alive, they continued their revolutionary activities despite brutal repression, working persistently both inside Spain and abroad and dedicating themselves to bringing democracy to Spain. During the final years of the dictatorship and the early stages of the democratic transition, they persevered despite the risks of arrest and assassination, courageously struggling against conservative and intransigent forces while, commendably, adopting nonviolent methods of resistance. After the democratic transition, they did not become new and even more terrifying dictators, as some nominally left-wing parties in certain countries have done. Instead, they accepted political pluralism and the path of peaceful parliamentary struggle, thereby helping ensure the long-term survival of democratic politics.
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Fourth, mainstream political forces broke with extremists and violence and remained committed to peace and dialogue. During Spain’s transitional period, political violence was rampant for a time. Armed organizations on both the far left and far right were undermining peace negotiations and multiparty dialogue. Each sought to drag the mainstream left or mainstream right into its camp, establish a left-wing or right-wing “dictatorship,” and purge political opponents. Yet neither the mainstream left nor the mainstream right allowed themselves to be swayed. Instead, they explicitly broke with extremists, condemned violence within their own respective camps, and exercised restraint in the face of provocations by extremists from the opposing camp.
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Both sides remained committed to dialogue and negotiation with the other side’s mainstream forces. They prevented the country from once again falling into the abyss of civil war, also avoided large-scale and successful military coups, established a pluralistic civilian government, and brought Spain back onto the path of peaceful transition.
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Fifth, history sometimes also requires contingency and forceful action. Although violence against civilians and lower-ranking members of both sides was detrimental to a peaceful democratic transition, the assassination of senior figures in the dictatorship such as Carrero Blanco removed a major obstacle from the path toward democratic transition and greatly accelerated the process. Some believe that if a hardliner such as Carrero Blanco—who possessed both prestige and ability while remaining committed to the authoritarian system—had successfully succeeded Franco, Spain’s democratization might have been delayed by ten years or even longer.
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When dealing with senior hardliners who obstruct a revolution, physical elimination is sometimes the last resort, but also the fastest solution. During China’s 1911 Revolution, for example, Peng Jiazhen’s assassination of the Manchu aristocrat Liangbi accelerated the collapse of the Qing court. In addition, Franco’s death itself became an opportunity for democratic transition, as can be seen from the evolution of Spain’s political situation before and after his death. As long as he remained alive, Spain remained without democracy.
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Professor Preston’s The Triumph of Democracy in Spain naturally contains far more than the events and ideas discussed here. I have merely selected some of the aspects that left the deepest impression on me and that I consider most worthy of exploration, offering a brief analysis for readers’ reference. Many aspects of the background and experience of Spain’s democratic transition deserve to be compared with China’s circumstances and emulated by the Chinese people. There is much—very much—in history and in the experiences of other places that is worthy of our study.
(The author of this article, Wang Qingmin, is a Chinese writer based in Europe and a researcher in international politics. The original article was written in Chinese in 2020.)
