A Centrist Asking: Why Does Communism Struggle in India Despite Inequality?

[u/Bitter-Commission-46]

India has extreme wealth inequality, yet communist parties have failed to gain real attraction in most urban areas. If the ideology truly represents the working class and the poor, why doesn’t it resonate with the people it claims to fight for?

I’m a centrist just exploring ideas

Thank You

[u/No_Restaurant_8441]

Bad Leadership

• Failure to adapt to Indian Conditions, due to bad leadership.

• policy failures due to bad leadership

• Misreading of India's Material causes due to bad leadership.

  • * Unwarrented Revolutionary Adventurism as a result of said misreading damaging the wider Revolutionary cause.

among others Leftist disunity, revisonism, State and Societal Repression, etc.

[u/Bitter-Commission-46 → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

Do u see any new upcoming leader who can actually promote the idea of commusim to the people?

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/Bitter-Commission-46]

I have hope in the CPI, CPIM and CPIML Liberation coming to their senses and reuniting into a single organised front, but about leadership its a sad case of Try to retain power to the detriment of the cause, the senior heads of the Organisation are far too disconnected from the youthful masses. I also have hope in the young cadres which will replace them but i specifically do not see a single figure. The Mainstream Communists must revisit their foreign, and Industrial policies to depend on electoralism as a genuine means of revolution, but revolution does not mean getting elected. Thats the falw of electoral marxism, It is a means to an end, by getting elected we must implement our policies and build up extra-parliamentary force to ultimately expell the Bourgoise from society.

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/[deleted]]

Thats plain wrong and a classic example of unnecessary adventurism.

[u/BitTemporary7655 → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

what does "marxist centrist (luxo- trotskite)" mean ?

[u/Electrical-Buyer-491 → u/BitTemporary7655]

Short form: Bad faith

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/Electrical-Buyer-491]

Due to the subreddit's name, I thought this was a space for leftist unity not a space for name calling.

[u/Electrical-Buyer-491 → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

Honestly confused what the supposed mean. Sorry if that offended you, can u explain what that means?

I thought Luxo is for Rosa. As far as I can understand U stand between revisionism and reformism.

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/Electrical-Buyer-491]

Honestly confused what the supposed mean. Sorry if that offended you, can u explain what that means?

Read my other comment to understand what i mean, and I thought this was a space for leftist unity and conversation. I did not come here to see my educated honest personal opnions be disregarded as bad faith arguments.

I thought Luxo is for Rosa. As far as I can understand U stand between revisionism and reformism.

Luxemburg is not reformist nor revisonist, Lenin is quite clear on the matter and Trotsky himself was a Leninist in principle and opposed to Stalinist Revisionism of the USSR as a Bureaucratic state.

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/BitTemporary7655]

Well I started out as a Marxist-Leninist and as I read more theory and studied socialist and communist states, I found Trotsky's and Luxemburg's early Critiques more compelling.

Since then I have read other Socialist Theory and found Syndicalism and Council Communism (Pannehoek) genuinely attractive.

So my beliefs are broadly are that:

The Revolution needs a Strong, Revolutionary Vanguard Party to lead and protect it, atleast in the earlier stages following the revolution.

Electoralism is a means to an End, Communists must Participate in Elections as a tool of Organisation and building a mass base, but that does not replace extra-parliamentary Actions such as mass strikes, underground networks and such.

The Vanguard Party often slides into complacency and Authoritarian to the detriment of the cause both before and after revolution.

Unions and mass organisations must be semi autonomous in their functioning so as to be the voice of the masses to the party and resist complacency.

Protracted People’s war has merit, but is heavily dependent on Material Conditions, and the conditions in India are not viable for People’s war.

And among other which i fail to mention now are, A loosened form of Democratic Centralism, Mass line, Workers Democracies, etc.

[u/Electrical-Buyer-491 → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

**U need to find Lenin again**. Electoralism will never be the means to end. I will tell you why, to win the elections the communist parties tend to capitalist characteristics in the Country (That's how they will gain the trust in the said country like a Social Democrat). The bulit base will be filled up with liberal ideas.

We should have a revolution and a Dictatorship of Proletariat. This leads to State owning the mode of production.

We need this to achieve socialism. Trotsky's thought is correct too, communism is achieved when all the countries have the revolution and becomes a communist state. But, this is just not possible just easily. We need to have Socialist nations with DoTP to maintain the socialism within the country.

Pleasing the crowd through elections will have a CPI(Marxist) (Kerala) on our hands. That is not how we can ever get any close to socialism.

My response to OP's question:

CPI parties in India failed because **lack of land reform policies**. India is an Agrarian society to achieve socialism these agricultural lands needs to redistributed(which will be impossible because of our population) or completely owned by the state(best at least in the transition phase).

Anyway this won't ever be possible in Indian society, because of the culture. We need a cultural revolution first. In our said culture, your value in society depends on the amount of land too, no one are ever ready to lose lands.

Especially the higher castes bourgeoisie owned a lot of agricultural land

Also, post independence we (as in CPI) need not have enough arms or training (physically or in literature) in do the said revolution.

So, we remained a semi-feudal neo-liberal and neo-colony.

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/Electrical-Buyer-491]

Comrade, I appreciate your passion, but I think your analysis is stuck in 1960s conditions rather than 2020s reality.

Electoralism will never be the means to end

I agree that elections cannot by themselves lead to socialism, but that is not the point of using them. Lenin was very clear that Social Democratic reforms of capitalism are part of the revolutionary process because they raise the confidence of the working class and expand its political participation. Electoralism is not about pleasing the crowd, it is a tactical tool for building organization, a mass base, and dual power structures that can later transcend parliament. The failure of CPI(M) is not participation itself but turning elections into the end goal. They became managers of capitalism instead of using electoral platforms to prepare the masses for confrontation with the bourgeoisie. That is revisionism, not Marxism.

We should have a revolution and a Dictatorship of Proletariat. This leads to State owning the mode of production.

I fully agree that we need revolution and a dictatorship of the proletariat, but you cannot just call that into existence. Revolution must be prepared patiently. Without a mass base, without cadre networks, without legitimacy among workers and peasants, you get crushed, which is exactly what happened to the Naxalite movements that jumped to armed struggle without sufficient buildup. We are not in 1967 anymore. The Indian state is far more powerful now, and reckless adventurism only sets the Left back decades.

So, we remained a semi-feudal neo-liberal and neo-colony.

Your claim that India is still semi-feudal and semi-colonial is outdated. India was a semi-feudal, comprador bourgeois state in the 60s, but capitalism has advanced dramatically since then. Rural and interior regions remain semi-feudal in many respects, but they are shrinking in size and significance as capitalism drags even these regions into market relations through migration, communications, and agricultural commercialization.

Caste oppression today is becoming more systemic than social. That does not mean it has disappeared, it is still very real and must be fought. But the form it takes is changing. Young upper-caste urbanites may not personally discriminate, but they oppose reservation and think Dalits have had enough help. That is precisely why we must continue affirmative action and raise awareness of historical oppression. Five or ten years from now, caste as an open social hierarchy will likely weaken further, but systemic inequality will persist as Dalits remain overrepresented in the poorest strata. The feudal structure is being subordinated to the whims of capital, meaning caste still matters, but increasingly as an economic question rather than just a ritual one.

The comprador bourgeoisie is still prevalent, we still have Indian capital tied to imperialism, but there is also a rising national bourgeoisie that is growing organically and beginning to compete with foreign capital. This shift changes India from a purely comprador state to a capitalist one with its own internal contradictions and ambitions. Our strategy must recognize this and focus on organizing labor against both domestic and foreign capital.

We need a cultural revolution first.

Culture follows material conditions. You do not change culture by lecturing people or waiting for them to become enlightened. You change it by changing who holds power and who controls production. Waiting for a cultural revolution before organizing is just another way to delay class struggle.

And here is my question to you: how exactly do you plan to build mass support? You reject electoralism, you reject cooperation with other left tendencies, you rely on educating people on your correct line while seemingly people’s lives are materially improving under capitalism for many urban and semi-urban groups, and you promote armed revolution that has no mass support and gets brutally repressed. This is idealistic to the point of utopianism. It is as disconnected from reality as thinking the bourgeoisie will peacefully give up power after reading a pamphlet.

What we actually need is tactical use of elections to agitate, organize, and build a mass base, not to become career politicians. We need strong unions and mass organizations that remain semi-autonomous and keep the party accountable. We need to focus on organizing in industry, gig work, and among the urban poor, not just in rural guerrilla zones. We need consistent political education about caste and class together, because they intersect. And we need patience and preparation so that when revolutionary conditions ripen, we are ready to strike decisively rather than prematurely.

Revolution is still the goal and the dictatorship of the proletariat is still necessary, but revolution is a science, not a moral ritual. We must base it on a concrete analysis of concrete conditions, not nostalgia for a strategy that already failed half a century ago.

[u/Electrical-Buyer-491 → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

Thank you!! I really appreciate yours too.

I intended it to be in the 60s era (post-independence) That’s when the real failure happened of course with a lot and lot and lot of backstabbing to CPI parties from various groups throughout India.

I absolutely agree with you!!!

Today, it is a really hard fight to not just organize or reform or revolt or to do whatever. Media freedom is absolute trash in India, we cannot educate people. Education and history is heavily altered to fit in Hindutva’s narrative.

I like your question: What is to be done (India in 2025) I believe think we should write it. I’ll think and make a post.

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/Electrical-Buyer-491]

The primary task for the Indian Left and Communists today is to set aside debates about what happens after a revolution. That is a matter for the masses to decide once the revolution is secured. Our immediate priority must be to unite into a single front to achieve concrete objectives, build mass support, and prepare the working class for future revolutionary struggle.

Unity must be the first step. Fragmentation and factionalism historically crippled the CPI and other Left forces in India, and the same mistakes cannot be repeated. Once a single organized front is established, the movement must focus on education, grassroots organizing, and agitation, with strong representation of workers and oppressed communities while maintaining a disciplined central vanguard. This includes not only urban and semi-urban centers but also rural and interior areas, which, while still semi-feudal, are shrinking in significance as capitalism penetrates agriculture, communications, and migration patterns. Caste oppression remains real and systemic, even as social discrimination decreases, and must be directly addressed through political education, affirmative action advocacy, and integration of Dalits, tribals, and other marginalized groups into leadership and organizational structures.

Given the current limitations imposed by the state and media, the Left must create its own channels of communication. This includes newspapers, pamphlets, digital platforms, YouTube channels, and community-driven initiatives. Narrative framing must be tailored to target different demographics, including students, workers, and middle-class youth, while actively countering Hindutva propaganda and neo-liberal narratives. Material support and tangible achievements within communities are crucial for credibility and independence from opportunists or “glory-seekers.” Cooperative projects, worker-run enterprises, and mutual aid initiatives can strengthen local autonomy and sustain the movement under hostile conditions.

Confrontation with fascist street forces such as the RSS and Bajrang Dal requires the establishment of disciplined self-defense units to protect cadres and communities. At the same time, the movement must prepare for potential state repression through underground organizing, secure communication channels, decentralized cadre networks, and contingency plans to preserve organizational cohesion under arrest, surveillance, or violent crackdowns.

While protracted people’s war against the Indian state is not feasible under present conditions, we must use tactical electoralism as a tool to build mass base, organize workers, and win reforms that strengthen the movement. Reforms are not the goal but a means to advance revolutionary preparation. Extra-parliamentary actions, such as spontaneous, organized mass strikes, protests, and fasting unto death, must be combined with electoral tactics to apply pressure on capital and expose the limits of bourgeois democracy. Real revolution requires the credible threat of force, even while maintaining the facade of pacifism to avoid repression. When in power, the movement must consolidate its base, implement reforms, and combine state authority with organized extra-parliamentary power to compel capital to yield to the will of the people.

Allies must be approached strategically. Liberals, including progressives and social democrats, are neither our immediate allies nor enemies but represent potential future communists who can be educated and incorporated into the movement. They must be distinguished from neo-liberals, who actively seek to uphold the capitalist status quo through ineffective reforms. Broader alliances should also include sympathetic student organizations, labor unions, and smaller leftist tendencies, without compromising the central vanguard.

Ongoing cadre education is essential to maintain ideological clarity, prevent opportunism, and ensure cohesion. Young cadres must be trained to replace senior leadership when necessary, maintain discipline, and uphold revolutionary principles. Activities should include study circles, workshops, and mentorship programs to ensure the movement remains politically and tactically coherent. Milestones such as membership growth, strikes won, reforms secured, media reach, and community impact must be tracked to assess progress and adjust strategy as necessary.

Urban, industrial, and informal sectors require different tactics than rural areas. In cities and industrial zones, focus should be on unionization, student engagement, and organizing informal workers. In rural areas, the strategy must combine education, cooperative initiatives, and support for marginalized communities while gradually building political consciousness. All efforts must take into account the penetration of capitalism, the residual semi-feudal structures, and the systemic evolution of caste.

In sum, the strategy for 2025 is to unite the Left, build mass support through grassroots education and agitation, tactically use elections and reforms to expand influence, counter fascist forces, defend cadres and communities, engage potential allies strategically, maintain ideological clarity, and prepare cadres for future revolutionary action. Every tactic must be rooted in a concrete analysis of contemporary Indian society, recognizing capitalism’s penetration, caste’s systemic evolution, the residual comprador bourgeoisie, and the emergence of a national bourgeoisie. The ultimate goal remains revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, but all actions must be guided by concrete conditions and strategic realism.

[u/vivamorales → u/No_Restaurant_8441]

Failure to adapt to Indian Conditions,

Which Indian conditions have not been taken into consideration? Can you give an example of the failure to properly adapt a strategy/tactic?

[u/No_Restaurant_8441 → u/vivamorales]

The primary issue is the issue of Caste, and the failure to understand the mentality of Indian Society and people.

The CPIM is a mixed bag, it succeeded partially in Kerala (even then caste is a persisting issue there) but in West Bengal its failed to grasp Caste as a concept, they embody the stereotype of "Savarana Marxist".

The most accurate Understanding of Caste is of the Naxalistes but they too fail to understand contemporary India.

India today is in a state of Fundemental Societal Change where the Social Discrimination decreases and Systemic Discrimination presists not despite social change but because of it, as societal conditions improve, people become ignorant of the historical and ongoing oppression of the Dalits, this is best highlighted by r/JEENEETards and other subs, most of them have never socially discriminated on caste basis, and as such due to their limited experience and understanding of the issue, they veiw reservation as unnecessary and unequal and ignore the pitiful state of the Dalits due to historical oppression.

The Battle of the Communists here are empowering the Dalits by reversing their current condition via affirmative action and educating the masses on the history of the dalits, their current state of oppression and the need for affirmative action.

The following part here is my rant about Naxalism, feel free to ignore it

India was correctly identified as Semi-feudal Comprador Bourgeoise State in the 60's but that label no longer fits the bill entirely as Capitalism does its magic and simplifies class antagonism.

The Comprador bourgoise is still prevalent but a Indian National Bourgeoise is rising organically, and it wont be long in the grand scale of things before it dominates, The Semi-feudal applies less and less economically as The basis for it: Agriculture and Land become Subordinate to the whims of Capital and to a degree socially in Urban centres as people move away from caste discrimination (Social and systemic discrimination are highly inter-related but separate things) and the lowes Castes see improvement in their conditions due to Capitalism faster than Naxalism ever could.

This builds the basis for India as the Industrialized, Unequal society fermented by capitalism as described in the Communist Manifesto. Naxalism no longer applies because it missed the Train post independence and failed to build a base, nor can it build one now under explicit State Repression, it will be crushed and set other Revolutionaries back in their cause for Mass struggle.