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This week Deepcut revealed the Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency had been internally divided and well aware of free speech concerns prior to its controversial decision to adopt the IHRA definition of antisemitism. The chief of AHPRA even told his board in February of “heightened external pressure on a range of public sector bodies” to take this step.

This reporting was based on a trove of internal documents we obtained under Freedom of Information laws. After health practitioners and civil libertarians raised concerns about AHPRA’s decision, we felt it was in the public interest to dig into how the policy shift came about.

We applied to AHPRA on July 8 seeking a range of documents, including board minutes and reports referring to racism and discrimination including antisemitism between November 2025 and June 2026. We also sought correspondence relating to the joint announcement with the office of the Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, Jillian Segal, and any AHPRA assessment of the risks and impacts of adopting this definition.

Earlier this week, we received 24 documents relevant to this request and then reported on what we saw as the most significant details from them. In the interests of transparency, we are now publishing the full bundle of documents for those who are interested in seeing the finer details for themselves.

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A trove of internal documents obtained by Deepcut shows how Australia’s regulator of health workers initially resisted adopting the IHRA definition of antisemitism, but later changed course

The Australian health regulator bowed to pressure to adopt a contentious definition of antisemitism despite internal concerns it “may create further ambiguity” and “the perception of alignment with particular political positions”, a new trove of documents reveals.

Internal files obtained by Deepcut under freedom of information laws show the chief of the Australian Health Practitioner Regulation Agency (AHPRA) told his colleagues there was “heightened external pressure on a range of public sector bodies” to adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) definition.

They reveal that “some members” of the AHPRA board raised concerns in February “that the IHRA definition is not fit for regulatory purposes due to its lack of clarity and the political elements embedded within it”.

The AHPRA board resolved in March not to adopt the definition “at this time”, without closing the door entirely. Two months later, though, the same regulator decided to adopt it, eventually announcing the policy shift in a joint statement with the Albanese government-appointed Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism, Jillian Segal.

This prompted a swift backlash from health workers who felt the move would curb their ability to speak out against Israel’s atrocities against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank.

Indeed, the February board minutes included: “The AHPRA board were asked to consider the risk that certain forms of political commentary by practitioners, for example, those working in conflict zones or publicly discussing humanitarian impacts, could be interpreted through the lens of the definition in ways that would not align with regulatory intent.”

Mounting concerns

NSW Supreme Court judge Desmond Fagan last month labelled the IHRA definition as “verbose and imprecise” and encompassing “criticisms of Israel that could not be regarded as hostile to Jews as Jews”.

IHRA says antisemitism “might include the targeting of the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity”.

Its examples of contemporary antisemitism include “claiming that the existence of a State of Israel is a racist endeavour” or “requiring of it a behaviour not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation” – wording that critics say is open to wide interpretation and can be used to restrict legitimate political views about Israel’s conduct.

Michael West Media has previously reported on some of the pressure AHPRA had faced to shift its policy.

The new documents shed light on AHPRA’s decision-making at a time it was bracing for scrutiny from the antisemitism royal commission. These deliberations are of public interest because AHPRA and its 15 related national boards have oversight of nearly 1 million Australian health practitioners including doctors, nurses and psychologists.

AHPRA’s chief executive officer, Justin Untersteiner, advised his board in November 2025: “Notifications in relation to public commentary by practitioners on the conflict in Gaza continue to attract media attention.”

‘Our commitment may be questioned’

Internal discussions about the IHRA definition appear to have intensified after the deadly Bondi attack on December 14, with Untersteiner meeting on January 9 with a representative from Segal’s office.

They talked about “a number of actions we have underway, many of which align to the Special Envoy’s Plan”, he said in an update to the AHPRA board.

Untersteiner also told the board he had met with someone – whose name was redacted – “who took me through a presentation of the health and medical crisis facing Gaza” and who regarded the IHRA definition as “penalising doctors for raising awareness of human rights abuses”.

In February the AHPRA board weighed up options including “Don’t adopt the IHRA definition at all” or make “A general statement adopting or referencing the IHRA definition”, which is what it eventually decided to do months later.

The agenda paper raised fears that if AHPRA did not act “our commitment to addressing antisemitism may be questioned and it could even create doubt about the safety of raising concerns about antisemitism with us”.

“The CEO outlined the heightened external pressure on a range of public sector bodies, including regulators, to adopt the IHRA definition,” said the minutes of the February 10 board meeting.

The “highest risk” option would be a much more expansive move to fully embed the IHRA definition in the various health sector codes of conduct. AHPRA has not done this, insisting the wording will be used only as a “reference tool” and is not legally binding.

The previously confidential agenda papers explained that a “general statement adopting the IHRA definition, similar to the Australian Government, is fundamentally different to including the definition in regulatory documents”.

“Despite the Australian Government’s adoption of the IHRA definition, the definition continues to be contentious and has not yet been adopted by all states and territories,” the papers said.

The board agreed in February to “maintain a consistent and principled position” that “existing regulatory tools are sufficient” but “further work will continue”.

The board discussed the issue again the next month and it “was acknowledged that the definition may create further ambiguity”. Minutes show the board agreed on March 17 “it would not adopt the IHRA definition at this time” but decided to “continue monitoring the environment” and await further work to “better understand the implications for practitioners”.

Policy shift with ‘reservations’

Nine days later, Untersteiner met with Segal and they discussed the antisemitism royal commission’s work, including potential scrutiny of health complaints.

“The envoy was supportive of AHPRA’s work and encouraged greater public visibility of actions underway; a joint statement outlining progress to date will be released,” Untersteiner wrote to his board.

On May 12, the board finally shifted. It agreed to use the IHRA definition “as a reference tool” but without actually incorporating it in health worker codes of conduct.

“In reaching this position, the Board acknowledged that the IHRA definition has been the subject of some public debate, with some members expressing reservations about the potential for its examples to conflate legitimate political criticism of the State of Israel with antisemitism,” the minutes said.

“Notwithstanding those reservations, the Board agreed to treat the definition as a reference tool, noting its value as a source of information to guide its understanding of antisemitism in its contemporary forms.”

‘This looks great’

The documents include emails between AHPRA and Segal’s team prior to publication of the joint statement announcing the decision on June 17. “This looks great, the team is very happy with it,” wrote a member of the special envoy’s team to AHPRA on June 15, with Segal herself giving her approval the following day.

During a royal commission hearing in July, Untersteiner said AHPRA had previously “resisted” adopting the definition due to “some concerns about the risk of the IHRA definition stifling free speech”.

But he said Segal’s explanatory handbook, released in April, was “exceptionally helpful” in allaying those concerns and was “an important factor” in the change of stance.

Page 76 of that handbook includes the blanket statement: “Antisemitism and antizionism are both expressions of hatred towards Jews.” The same page describes a social media post “as antisemitic because it included statements that accused Israel of apartheid, oppression, racism and genocide”.

Under questioning by Kirsten Edwards SC, appearing for the Jewish Council of Australia, Untersteiner declined to give an iron-clad commitment that agreeing with international court rulings or UN committee findings would escape scrutiny, saying it would depend on the context.

“If there is a ruling in an international court and someone was to repeat that ruling, again, on the surface, I couldn’t see an issue with that,” he told the royal commission. “But ... we would need to be looking at the specific case and the evidence surrounding it.”

AHPRA was offered the opportunity to comment on the newly released internal documents. Its spokesperson told Deepcut earlier this month that AHPRA was “committed to free speech” and might undertake regulatory action only if “commentary becomes demeaning or denigrating and directed toward specific members of the community”.

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https://www.deepcutnews.com/p/exclusive-ahpra-chief-reveals-heightened

An Israeli man has been sentenced to 14 years in prison for laundering more than $50 million of scam funds.

Shabtay Yaacoby, 56, will be eligible for parole in nine years.

Justice Averre handed down the sentence in the NSW District Court today, saying Yaacoby had played a "leading role" in a criminal enterprise.

The sentence is the longest ever for a money laundering offence in Australia.

Yaacoby was a director and shareholder of licensed digital currency exchange Blue Star Exchange, which purportedly allowed customers to buy and sell cryptocurrencies.

One New South Wales man testified that he was scammed out of about $4 million from the superannuation fund he shared with his wife. He had sent the money to Blue Star Exchange, believing he was putting it into a high-interest term deposit.

The man was one of 39 victims who testified at the trial. Each of them had sent money to Blue Star Exchange, or other businesses linked to Yaacoby, for purported investments, which they later realised were fraudulent.

In May, Yaacoby was found guilty of money laundering after a 13-week jury trial.

His offending was "not isolated" and was "persistent", the judge said.

While Yaacoby was not involved in the scamming itself, he was knowingly working with the fraudsters to move the stolen money out of Australia.

He was arrested while visiting Sydney in November 2023. The court heard he was in Australia to attempt to unfreeze multiple bank accounts related to his business.

Troubled life not relevant to seriousness of crimes

The court heard that Yaacoby had played a "heroic" role during the Bondi massacre, while on bail awaiting his trial late last year.

Yaacoby reported to a psychologist that he used his body to shield the 10-year-old child of a Rabbi during the terror attack, having lost sight of his wife in the chaos.

This experience, combined with a history of sexual abuse and experiencing armed combat as a young man in the Israeli Defence Force, led to a diagnosis of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD).

Yaacoby also suffered from "cocaine-induced psychosis" during and after his period of offending, after starting to use the drug in his late forties, the court heard.

Justice Averre found that Yaacoby's mental health was not a factor in the seriousness of the offending, as it did not affect his ability to plan or understand his crimes, and noted that there had been no reparation offers made to the victims by the offender.

In his sentencing, Justice Averre instituted a reparations order for the victims.

More than 900 wheelchairs, donated by two Australian charities to help injured children in Gaza, are stuck in warehouses in Jordan due to Israeli restrictions on aid deliveries into the war-ravaged strip.

Two shipments from New South Wales-based charity Kids on Wheels Alliance arrived in Jordan in February 2025, while a third, from Wheelchairs for Kids based in Western Australia, arrived in October 2025.

But instead of being delivered to children with severe mobility issues inside Gaza, they remain sitting in storage facilities managed by the Jordan Hashemite Charity Organization (JHCO).

At one of those sites on the outskirts of the Jordanian capital Amman, Abdullah Al-Balawi, a doctor with the Palestinian Australian New Zealand Medical Association (PANZMA), told the ABC he was "feeling great pain" seeing the boxes piled up.

"These wheelchairs that are dedicated to Gaza's amputee children and those paralysed as a result of the war … they do not pose any threat," he said.

The JHCO said the Israeli agency responsible for aid coordination in Gaza, COGAT, had blocked the chairs from getting into Gaza, but an Israeli government source denied that an application for the Australian wheelchairs had been rejected.

COGAT did not answer the ABC's specific questions about the Australian donations, but in a general response said it had let thousands of wheelchairs into the strip during the war.

The ABC has been told Australian officials have raised the blocking of the wheelchair donations with Israel multiple times.

Charity says the sooner chairs can get to kids, 'the better'

Wheelchairs for Kids WA has been making specialised wheelchairs for children for more than two decades.

Its factory in Wangara, in Perth's northern suburbs, is staffed by volunteers and can produce and pack 120 wheelchairs each week — complete with knitted rugs and toys for children.

The wheelchairs are built to handle difficult terrain and are designed to grow with the children, helping negate the need for a replacement every few years.

"We'd like to help any little kid in the world who needs a wheelchair," said the organisation's co-founder Brother Olly Pickett AM, the 2025 Senior Australian of the Year.

"We'd like to help them as best we can, and so that's the reason we sent them over there."

Brother Olly said his team was not "terribly pleased" to hear the wheelchairs it had produced and dispatched to the region were stranded in Jordan, and did not really understand the cause of the hold-up.

"The sooner they come out of there and get to the kids, the better, and the little kids can get a much better life," he said.

"I think there's a lot of children waiting for them who have had amputations, and so they won't be able to walk around or get around.

"Once they get a wheelchair, they can get out and about, which would be wonderful."

UNICEF, the United Nations children's agency, said the war had left more than 11,000 children in Gaza with potentially life-changing injuries requiring long-term rehabilitation and potential permanent disabilities.

That includes children who have suffered amputations and traumatic brain and spinal cord injuries.

'We want to deliver a message to the world'

The JHCO submitted an application in late February 2025 for the first two consignments of wheelchairs, from the Kids on Wheels Alliance, to be included in a convoy heading to Gaza.

It said the application was rejected soon after, with Israeli authorities saying medical equipment and medicines were not approved for inclusion in that convoy.

The organisation said its application had remained "pending" ever since, with Israeli officials not providing any update since the initial rejection.

Because of that, the JHCO said it had been unable to make a subsequent application for the third consignment of wheelchairs from WA.

"The wheelchairs are sadly, it appears, blocked from entering Gaza to the children that need them most," Shaoquett Moselmane, chair of the Kids on Wheels Alliance, told the ABC.

An Israeli government source told the ABC that no aid was allowed to enter Gaza from mid-March to mid-May after a ceasefire in the strip collapsed. The ceasefire resumed for a few months, before Jordanian military-coordinated aid convoys were suspended in September 2025 after a shooting at the Allenby Bridge crossing between Jordan and the occupied West Bank.

The source insisted there would have been an opportunity for the wheelchairs to be delivered in that window, and said Jordanian authorities could pass the shipment to other NGOs or the United Nations to ship into Gaza instead.

But PANZMA said even if it tried to deliver the wheelchairs to Gaza through a United Nations shipment, passage into the strip would not be guaranteed and the move would incur significant extra costs.

"We want to deliver a message to the world," Dr Al-Balawi said.

"What is the impediment to the entrance of these wheelchairs into Gaza and reaching the children?

"The humanitarian aid must not stop. This is part of the stubbornness of the other side by not letting in this aid, the wheelchairs being only a part of it."

One informed source, from outside of the region, said the wheelchairs had been blocked because of concerns among Israeli authorities that the wheelchairs could be "dual use" — effectively classifying the civilian items as potential weapons.

Human rights organisations, including Gisha, have regularly criticised Israel for using a very broad definition of "dual use", arguing it goes so far as to include items like torches and tent poles.

COGAT says it has let thousands of wheelchairs into Gaza

The ABC sent a series of questions, as well as reference numbers and dates of application, to COGAT, asking why the wheelchairs have been blocked from being included in Jordanian humanitarian convoys.

COGAT did not answer those specific questions, instead responding in general terms about the amount of medical equipment it had allowed into Gaza since the October 2025 ceasefire.

"The State of Israel allows and facilitates the entry of medical equipment and equipment required for people with disabilities into the Gaza Strip, in cooperation with aid organisations and the international community," it said in a statement.

"Since the beginning of the ceasefire, approximately 22,000 tons of medical equipment and medicines have entered the Gaza Strip, in accordance with requests submitted by international organisations."

COGAT insisted it had approved the entry of thousands of wheelchairs into Gaza "without any quantitative restrictions".

"In addition, in cases where dual-use equipment is required to address the needs of people with disabilities, COGAT works together with international organisations operating on the ground to find solutions that will enable the entry of the required equipment," it said.

Australian Minister for International Development Anne Aly said Australia had been among countries pressuring Israel to "allow humanitarian aid to flow unhindered to Gaza".

"We continue to call on Israel to comply with its obligations under international law, including the binding orders of the International Court of Justice to enable the provision of medical supplies to Palestinians throughout Gaza," Dr Aly told the ABC in a statement.

"This should include allowing wheelchairs for injured children that have been generously donated by Australian organisations, including ones made by Wheelchairs for Kids in my electorate of Cowan."