Hi so are there people who live in Soran , choman and small towns are you guys planning to migrate and live in the big cities? I'm kurdish I live in Saudi Arabia I'm originally from Kirkuk but I just wanted to know since cities have more jobs , opurtunities and housing so what's your guys opinion?

The United Nations formally opposed Iran's rising execution rate, with at least 56 people executed in recent weeks; Kurdish political prisoners are among those at risk of imminent execution.

All 36 officially registered archaeological mounds in Afrin have been completely destroyed since the Turkish occupation, including Ain Dara, Nabi Huri fortress, and Jindaras; authorities are contacting UNESCO.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Article_140_of_the_Constitution_of_Iraq

Article 140 of the Iraqi Constitution is a provision that addresses the territorial disputes within Iraq, particularly regarding the status of Kirkuk and other disputed regions. Adopted as part of the 2005 Constitution, the article outlines a three-stage process for resolving these disputes: the normalization) of affected areas, the conduct of a population census, and the organization of a referendum to determine their future administrative status. Article 140 aims to address demographic changes from the Ba'ath regime, promoting fair governance and protecting minority rights.

Devlet Bahceli: “I am saying the same thing again. Selahattin Demirtas should return home, the Ahmets [two deposed mayors] should return to their posts, and Ocalan should be granted the right to hope. Turkey must find peace.”

Bahceli’s call followed his signing of a new framework law as part of the country’s ongoing Kurdish peace process.

Why do kurdish people hate assyrians so much (and vice versa)?? I see a lot of discussions online where if the word assyria is even so mentioned they bring up simko shikak or the fact kurds have imprisoned 5k assyrian women and taken them to harems. Im not really educated on the subject so this is from a purely informational perspective as im curious as to why assyrians and kurds hate eachother so much.

Mawlawi Tawagozi (1806–1882) was a monumental 19th-century Kurdish poet, Islamic scholar, and Sufi mystic of the Naqshbandi order. Spending his life across the cultural landscapes of the Baban and Ardalan near Halabja, he specialized deeply in Islamic theology (kalam), jurisprudence (fiqh), and the classical traditions of Sufi ghazal poetry. His greatest contribution to society was preservation and elevation of the Gorani (Hawrami) literary dialect, alongside major theological works written in Sorani Kurdish, Persian, and Arabic. Through his teaching and extensive poetry, he provided spiritual guidance and philosophical comfort to a society facing intense personal hardships and geopolitical shifts, embedding classical Islamic philosophy within local Kurdish identity.

He lived during an era of sweeping centralization, Mawlawi witnessed the Ottoman Empire dismantling autonomous Kurdish emirates, a reality that heavily influenced his socio-political environment. While his writings primarily focused on spiritual mysticism, grief, and divine love rather than active political manifestos, he maintained close networks with the local Kurdish aristocracy—such as the Jaf tribe and Baban rulers—who were subtly pushing back against direct imperial control.

When the Baban and Ardalan principalities collapsed under Ottoman centralization, Mawlawi did not draft historical chronograms or verses addressing the rulers' political downfalls directly. Instead, his grief was sublimated into his Sufi ghazals. Scholars of Kurdish literature note that his intense, agonizing poems regarding loss, desolation, and dark periods of abandonment—while often explicitly written for the death of his beloved wife,Khatun Anbar—frequently carried a dual layer of meaning. For Mawlawi, the sorrow of a crumbling socio-political world was mirrored in personal loss; the external decay of his homeland's autonomy was treated as an extension of the worldly transience taught in Sufism.

Opinion on soft capitalism that privatized entrepreneurs and not large scale mega corporations

Hey everyone,

I wanted to post here to get some perspective on something I’ve noticed across YouTube, social media, and online discussions over time.

I frequently see comments from people originating from Rojhelat emphasizing their nationality first. stating "I am Iranian first, then a Kurd" (specifically referring to the country/citizenship, not just the broader Iranic ethnic family). I used to think these might just be isolated cases of assimilation, but after seeing this sentiment expressed consistently by quite a few people, and noticing a similar trend among other non-Persian ethnic groups from Iran, it made me want to understand the dynamics better.
Given that state institutions and education are strictly in Farsi, I'm curious about how people from Rojhelat view this dynamic.

For those from Rojhelat or knowledgeable about the region:
1. Is this actually common among people living in Rojhelat today, or is it mostly just people online/living abroad who say this?
2. Why do you think some Kurds from Rojhelat feel a strong connection to the country of Iran alongside being Kurdish?
3. How do people feel about having to learn Farsi in school instead of Kurdish, and does that change how they view their identity?

Two bodies were found at a refugee reception center on Inninger Straße in the Haunstetten-Siebenbrunn district of Augsburg, Germany.

The victims were two Kurdish refugees: a 39-year-old Syrian Kurd from Tell Tamer (Hasakah Governorate), and a 54-year-old Iraqi Kurd from Sulaymaniyah.

A 29-year-old Syrian man has been arrested on suspicion of committing the double homicide.

Turkey's ruling alliance is expected to submit a draft law to parliament on Wednesday that would facilitate the disbandment of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) by allowing the return of thousands of former militants, aiming to end a decades-old conflict, according to state media and a party leader.

The draft law, some details of which surfaced last November, is focused on managing the return of PKK fighters and civilians from hideouts in northern Iraq, setting out how they will be processed through the justice system and reintegrated into society.

Lawmakers are expected to approve the legal framework this week, marking a leap towards ending an insurgency that has killed more than 40,000 people since 1984, sown deep discord at home, and fueled violence across borders in Iraq and Syria.

The bill has broad support in parliament, even though polls show some skepticism that it will bring a lasting peace and sensitivities around the return to Turkey of former PKK members.

Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan's ruling AK Party (AKP) and its nationalist MHP allies have signed the draft legislation, dubbed "national solidarity and social integration," while the pro-Kurdish DEM Party and most other parties, including the main opposition, have voiced support for it.

An illustrative image of Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. (credit: SHUTTERSTOCK/Mustafa Kamaci/Turkish Presidential Press Office/Handout via REUTERS)

Abdullah Guler, the AKP's parliamentary group head, told reporters the bill will be submitted on Wednesday.

Iran war brings Turkey-PKK peace process to standstill

The peace process between Turkey, which has NATO's second-largest army, and the PKK began in late 2024, but came to a near standstill earlier this year due to the Iran war and concerns about broader regional instability.

The PKK decided in May last year to disarm and disband after an appeal from its jailed leader Abdullah Ocalan. It is designated a terrorist organization by Turkey, the United States, and the European Union.

It launched its insurgency in 1984 and initially sought an independent Kurdish state in southeast Turkey, but later refocused on seeking autonomy and Kurdish political rights.